Methodology
Data freshness, why public forecasts diverge, and pre-registered chamber scenarios.
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Data freshness, why public forecasts diverge, and pre-registered chamber scenarios.
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Democratic chamber-control reads copied from the 13 Oct 2026 peer-gap review. These are fixed snapshot values, not scraped or updated automatically.
| Source | Senate D control | House D control | Snapshot date |
|---|---|---|---|
| CTM | 55% | — | |
| DDHQ | 56% | 77% | |
| Kalshi | 61–62% | ~90% |
Weekly forecast bake · 2026-10-13
House bake 2026-10-13
Kalshi Senate · Sep 29, 2026
62% D38% R
Kalshi House · Sep 29, 2026
91% D9% R
House-control probability comparison
Our forecast · 2026-10-13 · research draft
81% D19% R
Research draft — not our official November call yet. Model hier-loeo-v1-candidate.
Projected Senate seats are the median seat count across model simulations: half the simulated outcomes fall at or below that count, and half at or above it. They are not called results or a range of possible outcomes. The historical two-party chamber series stores Democratic seats and probability; Republican values are their chamber-total and probability complements. Both parties appear equally in the charts. A 50–50 Senate split gives Republicans control through the Vice President.
Kalshi control percentages are market-implied probabilities. The Republican percentage is the complement of the Democratic quote.
Race-level Kalshi histories show separately priced Democratic and Republican Yes contracts, which may not sum to 100%. When one race quote is unavailable, the evidence card uses the available quote's complement.
The public site does not republish RealClearPolitics poll compilations or averages. Race cards, chamber maps, and desk overlays show a Phoenix Dataworks polling average: a recency-weighted two-party mean of desk-entered public polls in the last 21 days, with credit `Phoenix Dataworks average of N public polls (pollsters: …)`. Individual pollster toplines may still appear separately when we have licensed or desk-entered data, with credit to the original pollster. Arrow keys inspect dates on market charts and any public poll series we show.
The forecast model still uses RealClearPolitics polling averages and expert ratings as inputs. Publishing the combined probability is not the same as republishing those sources. Public `/api/control/forecast` omits the per-source `components` and `weights` breakdowns.
Map bands use rounded favorite win percentages: Tossup below 58%, Tilt 58–67%, Lean 68–77%, Likely 78–89%, and Safe at least 90%.
Key-race polling comparisons normalize Democratic and Republican shares to two-party totals, excluding other and undecided voters. Public expert rating slots on maps and race pages come from Sabato's Crystal Ball only. Recorded rating changes sort newest first when shown. The left chip is the previous rating and the right chip is current; hover or focus exposes recorded dates. This list is not a rolling recent-change window.
Public models mostly agree on the national mood but disagree on how many seats that mood buys on today's district and Senate maps. Small shifts in the generic ballot can move dozens of House seats because many districts sit near the tipping point. Senate control also depends on which specific states break, not just the national average.
Inflation and tariffs usually reach seat counts through presidential approval and the generic ballot — not as a separate magic lever. A one-point move in the generic ballot does not automatically equal five to seven House seats on these lines.
We start with the big national indicators voters watch — approval, the generic ballot, cost-of-living pressure — then translate that into expected votes in each state and district on the 2026 maps. Candidate quality and local polls can pull individual races away from the national tide.
Weekly forecast bake · 2026-10-13
| Generic D−R | National D · R | House seats |
|---|---|---|
| -4 | 48.0 D52.0 R | 172 D – 263 R |
| -2 | 49.0 D51.0 R | 181 D – 254 R |
| 0 | 50.0 D50.0 R | 199 D – 236 R |
| 3 | 51.5 D48.5 R | 224 D – 211 R |
| 5.7 | 52.9 D47.1 R | 234 D – 201 R |
| 7 | 53.5 D46.5 R | 243 D – 192 R |
| 8 | 54.0 D46.0 R | 249 D – 186 R |
| 10 | 55.0 D45.0 R | 259 D – 176 R |
On these fixed 2026 lines, about 6.21 House seats shift per generic-ballot point — less than the old midterm rule of thumb.
Weekly forecast bake · 2026-10-13
| Seat | Win chance D · R | Forecast vote share |
|---|---|---|
| OH-senate | 54% D46% R | 50.8 D49.2 R |
| TX-senate | 45% D55% R | 49.0 D51.0 R |
| MI-senate | 59% D41% R | 51.8 D48.2 R |
| AK-senate | 41% D59% R | 48.1 D51.9 R |
| GA-senate | 63% D37% R | 52.7 D47.3 R |
| NC-senate | 70% D30% R | 54.3 D45.7 R |
| ME-senate | 74% D26% R | 55.3 D44.7 R |
| NH-senate | 77% D23% R | 55.9 D44.1 R |
Race-level win probabilities and vote shares. This table does not compute conditional changes to chamber control.
FRED / BLS · 2026-08-09
| Series | Value | As of |
|---|---|---|
| Unemployment rate (%) | 4.1 | 2026-07-01 |
| CPI (index) | 332.8 | 2026-07-01 |
| UMich consumer sentiment (index) | 49.5 | 2026-06-01 |
midterms-2026/fundamentals FRED snapshots; last obs ≤ T−30. District allocation: UNKNOWN — 2026 CD allocation overlays are not in this pass. District cells stay UNKNOWN.. Factor tables here are not SHAP attributions — they show the raw inputs the model sees.
Each bar is Democratic caucus seats; height is how many simulations reached that outcome. Republican seats are 100 minus that count. Color flips at 51 (majority). 50–50, Republican control (Vice President) is its own outcome, separate from a Republican majority of 51 or more.
Weekly forecast bake · 2026-10-13
Generic D−R 8.5 points · approval 38% · poll bias 0 points
| Measure | Baseline | Selected | Change |
|---|---|---|---|
| House D control | 80.0% | 80.0% | 0.0 points |
| Typical D House seats | 241 | 241 | 0 |
| Senate D control | 33.9% | 33.9% | 0.0 points |
Pre-registered shocks S1–S9 on frozen 2026 maps unless the scenario is the map.
House control: Democrats 80%, Republicans 20%. Typical seats 241 D – 194 R.
Weekly forecast bake · 2026-10-13
Horizontal axis: Democratic seats. Bar height: frequency of simulated outcomes. Use arrow keys to inspect outcomes, or open the data table.
170 D – 265 RDemocratic majority requires 218 seats270 D – 165 R
| D seats | R seats | Probability |
|---|---|---|
| 170 | 265 | 0.12% |
| 171 | 264 | 0.14% |
| 172 | 263 | 0.06% |
| 173 | 262 | 0.25% |
| 174 | 261 | 0.10% |
| 175 | 260 | 0.23% |
| 176 | 259 | 0.15% |
| 177 | 258 | 0.26% |
| 178 | 257 | 0.25% |
| 179 | 256 | 0.17% |
| 180 | 255 | 0.15% |
| 181 | 254 | 0.17% |
| 182 | 253 | 0.19% |
| 183 | 252 | 0.28% |
| 184 | 251 | 0.26% |
| 185 | 250 | 0.25% |
| 186 | 249 | 0.15% |
| 187 | 248 | 0.32% |
| 188 | 247 | 0.25% |
| 189 | 246 | 0.23% |
| 190 | 245 | 0.30% |
| 191 | 244 | 0.32% |
| 192 | 243 | 0.29% |
| 193 | 242 | 0.37% |
| 194 | 241 | 0.30% |
| 195 | 240 | 0.45% |
| 196 | 239 | 0.36% |
| 197 | 238 | 0.54% |
| 198 | 237 | 0.45% |
| 199 | 236 | 0.50% |
| 200 | 235 | 0.44% |
| 201 | 234 | 0.54% |
| 202 | 233 | 0.66% |
| 203 | 232 | 0.66% |
| 204 | 231 | 0.47% |
| 205 | 230 | 0.73% |
| 206 | 229 | 0.67% |
| 207 | 228 | 0.55% |
| 208 | 227 | 0.65% |
| 209 | 226 | 0.54% |
| 210 | 225 | 0.55% |
| 211 | 224 | 0.78% |
| 212 | 223 | 0.80% |
| 213 | 222 | 0.76% |
| 214 | 221 | 0.83% |
| 215 | 220 | 0.81% |
| 216 | 219 | 1.07% |
| 217 | 218 | 1.01% |
| 218 | 217 | 1.06% |
| 219 | 216 | 0.91% |
| 220 | 215 | 0.95% |
| 221 | 214 | 1.21% |
| 222 | 213 | 1.07% |
| 223 | 212 | 1.16% |
| 224 | 211 | 1.27% |
| 225 | 210 | 1.10% |
| 226 | 209 | 1.14% |
| 227 | 208 | 1.36% |
| 228 | 207 | 1.45% |
| 229 | 206 | 1.21% |
| 230 | 205 | 1.53% |
| 231 | 204 | 1.39% |
| 232 | 203 | 1.82% |
| 233 | 202 | 1.58% |
| 234 | 201 | 1.68% |
| 235 | 200 | 1.60% |
| 236 | 199 | 1.86% |
| 237 | 198 | 1.65% |
| 238 | 197 | 1.72% |
| 239 | 196 | 1.65% |
| 240 | 195 | 2.16% |
| 241 | 194 | 1.67% |
| 242 | 193 | 1.98% |
| 243 | 192 | 1.97% |
| 244 | 191 | 2.09% |
| 245 | 190 | 2.15% |
| 246 | 189 | 2.02% |
| 247 | 188 | 2.26% |
| 248 | 187 | 2.07% |
| 249 | 186 | 2.00% |
| 250 | 185 | 2.11% |
| 251 | 184 | 2.08% |
| 252 | 183 | 2.05% |
| 253 | 182 | 1.96% |
| 254 | 181 | 2.00% |
| 255 | 180 | 1.57% |
| 256 | 179 | 1.53% |
| 257 | 178 | 1.64% |
| 258 | 177 | 1.51% |
| 259 | 176 | 1.53% |
| 260 | 175 | 1.64% |
| 261 | 174 | 1.31% |
| 262 | 173 | 1.09% |
| 263 | 172 | 1.16% |
| 264 | 171 | 1.05% |
| 265 | 170 | 1.07% |
| 266 | 169 | 0.58% |
| 267 | 168 | 0.87% |
| 268 | 167 | 0.80% |
| 269 | 166 | 0.69% |
| 270 | 165 | 0.67% |
Scenario S1: Base. Generic 8.5, approval 38, poll bias 0.
Weekly forecast bake · 2026-10-13
| ID | What changes | House D · R | Typical House seats | Senate D · R |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Today’s central case: generic D+8.5 from credited national series, approval ~38%, maps at +6 to +8 R, polling bias 0. | 80% D20% R | 241 D – 194 R | 34% D66% R | |
| 2018 analog: generic D+8, approval 35%, specials residual persists. | 78% D22% R | 239 D – 196 R | 30% D70% R | |
| 2022 analog. | 47% D53% R | 215 D – 220 R | 9% D91% R | |
| 2016/2020 analog — correlated +3 Republican national error (the House-call killer). | 29% D71% R | 202 D – 233 R | 9% D91% R | |
| 2022 analog: correlated +3 Democratic miss. | 97% D3% R | 269 D – 166 R | 69% D31% R | |
| Remap at +10 structural Republican, same opinion. | 75% D25% R | 236 D – 199 R | 34% D66% R | |
| 2024 lines, same opinion — isolates redistricting. | 88% D12% R | 250 D – 185 R | 34% D66% R | |
| TX / ME / AK / OH each independently ±5 from PVI+swing. | 80% D20% R | 241 D – 194 R | 34% D66% R | |
| NC/PA/OH 2018-versus-2022 drop-off as a local offset. | 81% D19% R | 242 D – 193 R | 34% D66% R |
Generic-ballot grid: 8.5, 8, 3, 8.5, 8.5, 8.5, 8.5, 8.5, 8.5. Maps stay fixed unless the scenario is the map.